I INTRODUCTION
The Supplemental Nutrition Assistance program,
or SNAP, is the largest federal food program, both
in terms of its cost and the number of Americans
it reaches. Almost 46 million people used SNAP
benefits in 2015, which is one in seven Ameri-
cans. To provide some context, that’s more than
the entire population of the state of California
and about equal to the number of people who live
in Georgia, Illinois, Michigan and Pennsylvania
combined. These shoppers bought $70 billion in
groceries with SNAP “dollars”.
12
SNAP serves as
a tool to fight food insecurity and can also play
an important role in the food retail landscape,
especially in low-income communities.
There are many ways that food policy councils
(FPCs) can influence the way SNAP works in their
states and local communities. FPCs can also
play an important role in national SNAP policy
by providing feedback and new ideas to Congress
and the United States Department of Agriculture
(USDA). This guide will provide a brief history
of the program, explain SNAP’s basic framework
and at what levels of government SNAP decisions
are made.
1. frac.org/reports-and-resources/snapfood-stamp-month-
ly-participation-data/
2. Formerly known as Food Stamps, many states use different
names for the program. www.usac.org/_res/documents/li/
pdf/samples/SNAP-Programs-by-State.pdf
II HISTORY
The concept of nutrition assistance dates back to
the 1930s and was a response to the simultaneous
farm and hunger crises of the Great Depression.
A 1939 project allowed low-income families to
purchase “food stamps” that boosted their over-
all food buying power and provided a mechanism
for the federal government to distribute surplus
domestic food commodities. This program end-
ed in 1943 but Congress revived the idea in the
late 1950s and President Kennedy’s first Execu-
tive Order in 1961 instructed the USDA to imple-
ment a new version of the food stamp program.
The 1960s pilot was transformed with the Food
Stamp Act of 1964, part of President Johnson’s
larger War on Poverty. The Act made the pro-
gram permanent with the goals of improving
the nutrition of low-income families and sup-
porting the domestic agricultural economy. It
maintained the “buy in design that required
participants to pay for a package of food stamps
of a higher value but these food stamps were no
longer limited to the purchase of specific foods
and could be used to buy any domestic food for
human consumption. The earlier program had
included food stamp packages for the purchase
of fruits and vegetables. The program gradually
expanded geographically and was available na-
tionwide in 1974
3
.
3. www.fns.usda.gov/snap/short-history-snap
UNDERSTANDING THE SNAP PROGRAM
For food policy councils
KATE FITZGERALD, ANNE PALMER AND KAREN BANKS
[2]
Johns Hopkins Center for A Livable Future
III SNAP TODAY
The Food Stamp Act of 1977, still in effect today,
provided automatic eligibility for any low-in-
come American who met basic income and as-
set requirements. Program participation is no
longer capped by available funding and anyone
whose income qualifies them is “entitled” to re-
ceive food stamps
4
. Food stamps are counter-
cyclical; participation expands and contracts in
response to the health of the economy. Partici-
pation surges during economic downturns and
drops when the economy improves.
5
The federal
government pays 100 percent of SNAP benefits,
and administrative costs are shared equally be-
tween the federal and state governments.
Congress reassesses the SNAP program about ev-
ery five years as part of the farm bill deliberations,
but the basic structure has remained much the
same for the last 25 years
6
. Since 2008, the Food
Stamp program has operated as an electronic
benefit system (EBT) with magnetic stripe cards.
The transition from paper vouchers to electron-
ic benefits started in the 1980s, mimicking the
growing use of credit cards and was designed to
reduce participant stigma, administrative costs
and fraud.
7
The 2008 farm bill changed the pro-
gram’s name to the Supplemental Nutrition As-
sistance Program (SNAP)
8
.
4. Puerto Rico and the Northern Mariana Islands are excep-
tions and receive block grants in lieu of automatic benefits
for all income eligible individuals. In these places SNAP is
not an “entitlement” program since funding can run out
and some income eligible people may not be served.
5. www.cbpp.org/research/summary-of-the-2014-farm-bill-
nutrition-title-includes-bipartisan-improvements-to-snap
6. www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/RS22131.pdfß
7. www.fns.usda.gov/sites/default/files/ops/IOMSNAPAllot-
ments.pdf
8. The program is known as SNAP nationally but some states
refer to their programs by different names (CalFresh, the
Lone Star Card, etc) www.usac.org/_res/documents/li/pdf/
samples/SNAP-Programs-by-State.pdf
While SNAP is the principal way the U.S. gov-
ernment prevents widespread hunger, a key and
oen forgotten underlying assumption is that
SNAP benefits will not account for all of an in-
dividual or family’s food spending during the
month, thus the word “supplemental” in the pro-
gram name. SNAP benefits are designed to fill
the gap between a family’s available food budget
and the monthly cost of the Thriy Food Plan, a
low-cost but nutritionally sound short-term diet.
USDA has used the cost of the Thriy Food Plan
to calculate benefits since the 1960s. The poor-
er the individual or family, the greater the SNAP
benefits. In 2015, the average monthly benefit
for an individual was about $127 per month
9
.
SNAP participation doubled between 2007 and
2014, serving a stunning 47 million Americans
in the depth of the Great Recession. Almost half
of SNAP participants are children, and most par-
ticipating households include a child, elderly or
disabled person
10
11
.
IV SNAP POLICY THEMES
Many of today’s debates about SNAP are recur-
ring themes that have been discussed at various
times over the past 50 years. For example, how
can one ensure that food benefits are easily avail-
able to all who need them without compromis-
ing program integrity? Farmers markets are an
example of this challenge. While markets can
provide affordable, nutritious food in under-
served communities they are less formally orga-
9. www.cbpp.org/research/a-quick-guide-to-snap-eligibili-
ty-and-benefits; www.fns.usda.gov/pd/supplemental-nutri-
tion-assistance-program-snap
10. www.ers.usda.gov/data-products/chart-gallery/detail.aspx-
?chartId=40104
11. www.cbpp.org/research/food-assistance/chart-book-snap-
helps-struggling-families-put-food-on-the-table
[3]
Johns Hopkins Center for A Livable Future
nized than grocery stores so less easy to inspect
and regulate. Should there be restrictions on the
foods that can be purchased with SNAP benefits
or does that violate individuals’ right to choose?
One review of SNAP studies concluded that the
effect of proposed food restrictions on diet is
unknown, and such restrictions may cause a de-
cline in participation rates due to stigma
12
. Is the
Thriy Food Plan still a reasonable way to calcu-
late a 21
st
century family’s food needs?
The SNAP program accounted for about 80 per-
cent of the total spending in the last farm bill,
which raised questions about whether it still
makes sense to unite federal nutrition and farm
programs in one piece of legislation. The food
stamp program was founded on the conceptual
union between the country’s agriculture, rural
economy and food assistance needs, but a glob-
al food system has made that connection more
tenuous. On the other hand, there is growing
interest from a variety of sectors in looking at
food and farming as interrelated systems. From
that perspective it makes sense to maintain
production and consumption programs in one
piece of legislation.
As unemployment falls but poverty and hun-
ger rates remain high, some ask whether SNAP
should be doing more. Is it just an anti-hunger
program, or is it an anti-poverty program with
a responsibility to help move participants into
financial self-sufficiency? These are important
questions and discussions that will be conten-
tious in the next several years while pressure con-
tinues to reduce federal spending. FPCs see first
hand how the program works in communities.
12. Andreyeva, T, Tripp, A. Schwartz, M. Dietary Quality of
American by Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program
Participation Status A Systematic Review, Am J Prev Med
2015; 49 (4) 594-604
That information will be vital to policymakers
at all levels of government as they try to balance
conflicting needs.
V SNAP BASIC STRUCTURE
Federal
Congress establishes the legislative parameters
of SNAP through the farm bill, a five-year, omni-
bus piece of legislation that also includes crop
insurance, marketing, natural resources, energy
programs, trade, and rural development initia-
tives. Congress uses the farm bill to establish
large policy approaches, including requiring the
transition from paper food stamps to delivering
benefits electronically (EBT) and limiting bene-
fits to legal U.S. residents.
USDA Food and Nutrition Service’s job (FNS) is
to turn farm bill legislative language into nation-
al SNAP program rules. For example, when Con-
gress mandated the transition to electronic ben-
efits, FNS wrote the regulatory requirements that
all electronic benefit systems must meet and pro-
vided funding for state agencies to research and
design the systems they wanted. FNS authorizes
retailers to accept SNAP, oversees state SNAP im-
plementing agencies, approves state processing
contracts, oversees special programs (such as the
new Employment and Training Center for Excel-
lence
13
), grants funding and waivers to test inno-
vative practices or to address systemic issues
14
,
and manages program research
15
.
13. USDA to Establish First-Ever SNAP Employment & Train-
ing Center of Excellence. www.fns.usda.gov/pressre-
lease/2015/030215
14. USDA Helps States Improve Technology to Combat
Trafficking of SNAP Benefits. www.fns.usda.gov/pressre-
lease/2015/fns-000915
15. Healthy Incentives Pilot. www.fns.usda.gov/hip/healthy-in-
centives-pilot
[4]
Johns Hopkins Center for A Livable Future
State
State legislatures have the authority to build on
the legal framework Congress creates to guide
how the SNAP program works in their states.
This can include additional rules on eligibility,
disqualification (such as failure to pay child sup-
port or pass a drug test), work and job training
requirements or program outreach
16
. It might be
helpful to think of this as similar to the structure
of the Constitution: the states have authority in
areas in which the federal government is silent
or expressly provides options.
Increasing SNAP participation injects new food
dollars into a state’s economy but also increases
the cost of administering the program. State pol-
icies can either suppress or encourage program
participation. Disallowing direct qualification of
households that receive Temporary Assistance
for Needy Families will probably reduce case-
loads, while authorizing and funding outreach
campaigns may boost participation and state
administrative costs, for example.
State social or human services departments
manage the program at the state level, imple-
ment the federal rules and adjust their programs
to respond to mandates from their state leg-
islatures. They also have a degree of authority
over how the program is administered and can
institute processes to make it work better. This
can include augmenting the minimum benefit
offered with state funds or staggering the dates
of the month on which SNAP benefits are distrib-
uted. This can be especially helpful for smaller
grocers with a large proportion of SNAP shoppers
because it distributes food demand throughout
the month and allows for stable stocking and
16. In 2015, for example, the Texas Legislature changed a state
law that had barred convicted drug felons from ever being
eligible for SNAP in the state
employment. State agencies can also authorize
private organizations to conduct outreach, help
clients enroll, and administer Disaster SNAP in
cases of emergencies.
Local
City, county or private social service organiza-
tions are the face of the SNAP program at the lo-
cal level. They explain how the program works to
potential participants, collect client information,
help with applications, and update information.
While they do not make program rules, they act
as the representatives of the state agency on the
ground. They can also explain program chang-
es that can seem mystifying to clients, such as
the temporary increase in benefits in 2009 that
was funded through the American Recovery and
Reinvestment Act of 2009 (ARRA) and then dis-
appeared suddenly in 2013 when the temporary
ARRA funding ended.
VI FOOD POLICY COUNCILS & SNAP
FPC members understand how the food system
works in their communities and can be reliable,
trusted advisers to policymakers at every level of
government. The breadth of the FPCs’ member-
ship means ideas can be considered from multi-
ple points of view, and connections with advoca-
cy organizations can make it easy to follow SNAP
policy changes at the state and federal levels.
Federal Engagement: Members of Congress rely
on information from groups in their districts and
state. They do not have large staffs and FPCs can
provide a valuable service by providing accurate,
specific and timely information when changes to
SNAP are being considered in the farm bill.
[5]
Johns Hopkins Center for A Livable Future
Federal agencies are required to solicit, consider
and respond to public feedback before finalizing
new program rules. No federal rule goes into ef-
fect without a public comment period and FPCs
can have a real impact by submitting thoughtful
responses to proposed rules. Notices of these
processes are published in the Federal Register
and FPCs can rely on national organizations to
learn about when rules germane to their work
are published and how to submit comments
17
.
FPCs and individuals can also always meet with
regional USDA representatives to learn more
about the decisions over which they have author-
ity and provide them information to help them
in that process.
State-level engagement: Communicating with
members of state legislatures and state agency
personnel is easy and can be as important as
developing relationships with federal officials.
Many states have part-time legislatures and
members need data and information to make in-
formed decisions. State agency staff may appre-
ciate feedback and ideas about ways in which the
FPC could help ensure SNAP works as well as it
can. To find out which organizations are working
on SNAP policy in your state, contact your local
food bank
18
or state policy priorities center
19
.
Local level engagement: One of the most com-
mon ways that local FPCs work on SNAP issues
is through advocating for the use of SNAP EBT
benefits at farmers markets, and, in some cas-
es, doubling the dollar value of those benefits
to incentivize produce and other food purchas-
es at the market. While these remain less than
17. www.federalregister.gov www.federalregister.gov/arti-
cles/2016/02/17/2016-03006/enhancing-retailer-stan-
dards-in-the-supplemental-nutrition-assistance-program
18. www.feedingamerica.org
19. statepriorities.org/state-priorities-partners/
1 percent of total SNAP purchases, it is a popular
strategy because it supports local and regional
producers, keeps more food dollars circulating
in the local economy, supports neighborhood
businesses and helps low income shoppers af-
ford healthier food options. The 2014 farm bill
includes the Food Insecurity Nutrition Incentives
(FINI) grants for public agencies and non-prof-
it organizations to test incentive approaches to
help SNAP participants purchase fruits and veg-
etables
20
.
VI CONCLUSION
Elected officials and government personnel of-
ten hear from special interests that represent
narrow perspectives that may not reflect a larg-
er public good. FPCs, on the other hand, reflect
the combined wisdom of multiple stakeholders
within a regions food system. The expertise of
council members can give decision makers con-
fidence that the proposals the FPCs promote are
practical and will serve the whole community.
Engage, it will make our system better.
20. nifa.usda.gov/program/food-insecurity-nutrition-incen-
tive-fini-grant-program
[6]
Johns Hopkins Center for A Livable Future
RESOURCES
Program Regulations and Administration
2014 Farm Bill: Agricultural Act of 2014
www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/BILLS-113hr2642enr/pdf/BILLS-113hr2642enr.pdf
USDA: SNAP www.fns.usda.gov/snap/supplemental-nutrition-assistance-program-snap
Center on Budget and Policy Priorities: A Quick Guide to SNAP Eligibility and Benefits
www.cbpp.org/research/a-quick-guide-to-snap-eligibility-and-benefits
USDA: SNAP Waivers of Rules www.fns.usda.gov/snap/waivers-rules
USDA: SNAP Policy Memos www.fns.usda.gov/snap/policy
SNAP State Options www.fns.usda.gov/snap/state-options-report
Federal Register www.federalregister.gov/agencies/food-and-nutrition-service
Data
Food Research Action Center: SNAP Participation Data
frac.org/reports-and-resources/snapfood-stamp-monthly-participation-data/
USDA: SNAP Participation Data
www.fns.usda.gov/pd/supplemental-nutrition-assistance-program-snap
Center on Budget and Policy Priorities State Fact Sheets
www.cbpp.org/research/a-closer-look-at-who-benefits-from-snap-state-by-state-fact-sheets
Feeding America Map the Meal Gap map.feedingamerica.org/county/2014/overall
SNAP Outreach
USDA: SNAP Outreach www.fns.usda.gov/snap/outreach
Food Research Action Center: SNAP Outreach Toolkit
www.frac.org/snapfood-stamps-outreach-and-access-toolkit/
Nutrition Education
SNAP and Nutrition Education www.fns.usda.gov/snap/nutrition-education
SNAP-Ed snaped.fns.usda.gov
Farmers Markets and EBT
USDA: SNAP and Farmers Markets www.fns.usda.gov/ebt/snap-and-farmers-markets
Farmers Market Coalition: SNAP Guide for Farmers Market
farmersmarketcoalition.org/education/snap/
USDA: SNAP and EBT
www.fns.usda.gov/ebt/general-electronic-benefit-transfer-ebt-information
State and Local Contacts
Feeding America www.feedingamerica.org
State Priorities Partnership statepriorities.org/state-priorities-partners/
USDA: Food and Nutrition Services Regional Offices www.fns.usda.gov/fns-regional-offices
USDA SNAP Application and Local Office Locator
www.fns.usda.gov/snap/snap-application-and-local-office-locators
[7]
Johns Hopkins Center for A Livable Future
FOOD POLICY COUNCILS AND SNAP
SNAP, Food Insecurity and Local Government Funding
TEXAS
The Austin Travis County Food Policy Board has
traveled around a block or two of Austin to un-
derstand the needs of food insecure families in
the self-proclaimed Live Music Capital. Research
by the Board’s Food Security Working Group
showed that a little over half of eligible persons
in Travis County participated in SNAP. To address
this low participation rate, the Board submitted
recommendations to the Austin City Council
and the Travis County Commissioners Court to
fund a position devoted to SNAP outreach and
enrollment, an outreach campaign aimed at rais-
ing awareness about SNAP, and to establish EBT
systems and incentive programs for SNAP recip-
ients at area farmers markets and farm stands.
21
As a result of the Board’s research and meeting
with individual councilmembers and commis-
sioners, both the Austin City Council and the
Travis County Commissioners Court approved
funding for the Board’s recommendations for
two consecutive years.
21. http://www.austintexas.gov/sites/default/files/files/Health/
SustainableFood/Recommendation__20140512-7D.pdf
State Administration
MARYLAND
In some states, SNAP benefits issuance to recip-
ients is spread across the month. In others, ev-
ery recipient receives their benefits on the same
day. In Maryland, SNAP benefits were issued over
a ten-day period, which was putting a strain on
food retailers, particularly retailers in under-
served areas. Issuance of SNAP benefits within a
limited time frame causes a spike in demand for
products, making it challenging for retailers to
maintain adequate stock. Retailers also need ad-
ditional staff to stock and serve customers during
this temporary increase in demand, but cannot
offer full-time employment during the slower
times of the month. This spike in sales followed
by inconsistent and slower sales for the remain-
der of a month places a financial and human re-
sources strain on food retailers. To address this
pattern of instability, the Food Policy Director
for the City of Baltimore Food Policy Initiative
worked with the Maryland Health and Social
Services department and other Baltimore City
officials to stagger the issuance period of SNAP
benefits over 20 days in a month. Staggering the
release date ensures a steady income for retailers
and helps them to maintain a consistent stock of
perishable products, like fresh produce.
[8]
Johns Hopkins Center for A Livable Future
SNAP and Farmers Markets
MASSACHUSETTS
The Cambridge Food and Fitness Policy Coun-
cil is blazing a novel funding path to support
a SNAP dollar match program at farmers mar-
kets. The SNAP Match Coalition established by
the Cambridge Food and Fitness Policy Council
and Cambridge in Motion is a group of farmers
markets, public health and hunger relief advo-
cates and city planners working collectively to-
gether to raise funds to support the SNAP dollar
match program. The strength of this Coalition
is that members fundraise as a team to supple-
ment their individual fundraising efforts. The
Coalition relies on grant writing and an exten-
sive crowd funding campaign pared with broad
community outreach to drum up financial sup-
port, awareness and participation in the pro-
gram. To measure the impact of these efforts,
member farmers markets in the Coalition track
SNAP usage through routine data collection.
This model enables the Coalition to offer fami-
lies $15 extra to spend with their SNAP benefits
at the farmers markets.
MONTANA
For the Community Food and Agriculture Coali-
tion in Missoula, Montana supporting local farm-
ers goes hand-in-hand with supporting families
that receive SNAP. The Coalition is working to
expand opportunities for families with SNAP to
purchase local produce by EBT cards at a variety
of retail venues, doubling the value of SNAP ben-
efits, and engaging SNAP recipients as advocates
for these programs. SNAP EBT is accepted at two
farmers markets, a local food cooperative and for
a community supported agriculture (CSA) pro-
gram. In 2015, the Coalition, in partnership with
the North Missoula Community Development
Corporation, Missoula Community Food Coop-
erative, Clark Fork Market, Missoula Farmers’
Market, and Western Montana Growers’ Coop-
erative, began a program to double the value of
SNAP benefits. Families using SNAP can receive
up to $20 extra to use at the farmers markets and
food cooperative and up to $200 to participate
in the CSA. The Coalition recently launched a
new grassroots marketing and civic engagement
initiative informed by SNAP recipients. The ini-
tiative combines research from focus groups
and surveys to hear from SNAP recipients about
their impressions of the double SNAP dollars
program with community outreach led by SNAP
recipients to educate their peers and communi-
ty about opportunities to use SNAP to purchase
local produce. From the focus groups, the Coa-
lition learned that the bus system and a cap on
the amount of double SNAP dollars at each mar-
ket were causing some families to miss out on
doubling the value of their SNAP benefits. In re-
sponse, the Coalition is removing the cap on the
availability of double SNAP dollars at the mar-
kets. For the Coalition, the individuals that use
SNAP are the best ambassadors for the program.
[9]
Johns Hopkins Center for A Livable Future
SNAP-Ed
MINNESOTA
Ensuring all Minnesotans have healthy, afford-
able, and safe food is the central goal to the Min-
nesota Food Charter. The result of a two-year
public input process, the Food Charter is a
roadmap for state agencies, local food councils,
legislators, educators, and businesses to make
long-term, systems changes to improve healthy
food access. To track and ensure successful im-
plementation of the strategies outlined in the
Charter, the Minnesota Food Charter Network
was formed in concert with the Minnesota Food
Charter. The Minnesota Food Charter Network is
supported by the Center for Prevention at Blue
Cross and Blue Shield of Minnesota, the Minneso-
ta Department of Agriculture, the Minnesota De-
partment of Health, the Minnesota Department
of Human Services, the University of Minnesota
Extension and a host of other organizations. In
addition to this unique combination of support
from a healthcare provider, three state agencies
and a university Extension program, the Network
is also able to leverage SNAP-Ed funds in cre-
ative ways. As fiscal and organizational host, the
University of Minnesota Healthy Foods, Healthy
Lives Institute is putting some of its SNAP-Ed
funding toward helping to support staff and
work team members within the Network. The
University of Minnesota Extension Health and
Nutrition program, one of Minnesota’s SNAP-
Ed implementing agencies, fulfills the role of
community engagement for the Minnesota Food
Charter Network. In this role for the Network,
Extension provides technical assistance to local
food councils and other projects to align with the
Food Charter strategies. In 2015, Extension also
provided funding to 15 agencies through SNAP-
Ed Community Partnership Funding for policy,
systems and environmental change in commu-
nities. This funding has been used, for example,
to set up EBT systems to accept SNAP at farmers
markets, to establish a food garden program on
public land, and to provide capacity building as-
sistance to local food councils.